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1. Globalization in a State of Crisis

The new millennium heralds increasing inequality between the countries of the North and the South, between those of the East and the West and, within the same country, between the rich and the poor, between women and men, between the young and the old, between urban and rural areas.

More and more people are suffering from poverty, including in the most affluent societies, while humanity produces considerable amounts of wealth. Neo-liberal globalization accentuates these inequalities. Everyone is affected, but women and children pay the highest price, as neo-liberal politics have intensified the feminization of poverty, propelled women and children into the global sex industry and exacerbated pre-existing violence against women. Globalization is thus not only neo-liberal, but sexist too.

Globalization is also characterized by its policy of immediate returns, exhausting the planet's resources. By promoting the domination of finance over all aspects of life, it undermines democracies, nation states, mechanisms for social solidarity and public services. Moreover, it favors the free circulation of goods but prevents the free movement of people, resulting in an explosion of migration: immigrants suffering from exclusion, exploitation, xenophobia and racism. Finally, it violates the most basic human rights (civil, political, economic and cultural), turning the neo-liberal model into a real crime against humanity.

In response to mounting opposition from increasing numbers of people and the manifest failure of neo-liberal policies, the establishment has adopted the language of "globalization with a human face". On the one hand, it has co-opted the social agenda and is attempting to engage civil society in this process by offering it pseudo-influence through, for example, the World Bank / IMF Poverty Reduction and Growth Papers (PRSP). On the other hand, it is attempting to divide and increasingly represses critical social movements, trade unions and NGOs in order to weaken them.

Neo-liberal globalization also leads to many armed conflicts that continue to decimate civil populations and drain national budgets, to the advantage of the arms industry. The growing role of the “powers”, reminiscent of imperialist traditions and enabled by the regrouping of their armies under NATO control, is disintegrating and disintegrating local culture and solidarity and results in rivalry between ethnic groups and the disintegration of society. This leads to the risk of wars, sometimes waged in the name of peace, and to the rise of sectarian attitudes that can take the form of fundamentalism or extreme nationalism. For example, with the pretext of fighting against drug trafficking, the United States' government increasingly represses insurrection movements and, particularly in the Andean region of Latin America, represses social movements through the installation of a powerful military base in Ecuador. Alongside the approval of Plan Colombia, exacerbates armed conflict in the country and could lead it to spread throughout the region. Another example is the way in which the same US foreign policy can lead to the "instrumentalization" of fundamentalist groups, as is the case in Afghanistan, where the Taliban dictatorship makes its living from opium production.

There is no single answer to these crises but the fact that these conflicts exist makes it all the more urgent to develop solidarity between peoples in order to help bring about or reinforce popular structures, in particular trade unions or associations, allowing a chance for struggle and emancipation which consists of neither falling back on reactionary solutions nor accepting the dictates of Western governments. We want to build a better world, based on human rights to total development, where men and women will live in equality, where there will be no discrimination or exclusion, and where peoples and their knowledge will be respected. We underline the importance of respecting fundamental human rights and, in particular, of implementing economic, social and cultural rights; the importance of using regional and international human rights instruments as a basis for criticizing the dominant neo-liberal model; and the importance of encouraging Nation States to fulfill their obligations regarding human rights.

2. Networks for Action

Social struggles have taken on an international dimension over the last few years with the aim of demanding a equitable and responsible distribution of wealth. In 1996 the Zapatistas began this initiative, organizing the First Intercontinental Gathering for Humanity and against Neo-liberalism, which united struggles from around the globe and called on the people of the world to create a network of resistance movements. This both laid the foundation and set the standard for many of today's movements against globalization. It is not surprising that the Mexican government and the world powers seek to destroy the Zapatista Communities in order to eliminate the starting point of this resistance against them. Then followed mobilization at an international level or around campaigns on specific themes such as the World March of Women, successfully denouncing poverty and violence against women; initiatives following the setting up of the WTO, particularly the creation of the Peoples' Global Action against "Free" Trade and the WTO (PGA); as well as many other movements too numerous to mention here. These movements often focus on social and environmental rights, as is the case with the Latin American campaign organized every October 12th on the Day of the Excluded, "El Grito de Los Excluidos".

The success of the recent demonstrations in the United States follows the emergence, during the past few years, of a series of mass campaigns with worldwide impact. These include the campaign for the cancellation of the debt of impoverished countries spearheaded, in particular, by collectives under the banner of "Jubilee 2000"; the campaign against the MAI; the campaign for the control and taxation of capital led by ATTAC, amongst others; the campaign against the WTO or against the increased power and scope of the WTO; as well as the campaign against IMF/World Bank structural adjustment and other economic reform programs.

The very scale of these movements bears witness to the emergence of a totally new situation. Their responsibility has grown because their actions have attracted worldwide media coverage and raised the expectations of not only militant networks but also large proportions of public opinion throughout the world.

3. Charting the Ways to our New World

These campaigns reveal the increasing rejection of the effects of a neo-liberal globalization that serves the interests of dominant states, the financial sector and multinational corporations.

- Social questions are at the heart of this rejection. Neo-liberalism has contributed to reducing the role of the State, weakening public services (for example, by privatization policies that threaten the health, education and social security sectors), eroding social rights and weakening trade union powers. The way in which neo-liberal globalization has developed since the start of the 1990s has further accelerated this process and seriously increased insecurity of employment and instability in living and working conditions.

- Gender is also a major issue, as can be seen in the growing feminization of poverty and in persistent violence against women. Establishing the equality of men and women as fact remains at the heart of the struggle against neo-liberal globalization. The increasing campaigning by women around the world is a sure sign of this.

- Environmental questions, in the broadest sense, are also at the heart of recent campaigns - such as the refusal to allow the patenting of life by multinationals, who have succeeded in patenting various plants and life forms in recent years; massive rejection of genetically modified organisms (GMOs); as well as the struggle against article 27.3(b) of the TRIPS Agreement, which menaces the very existence of indigenous communities and their traditional knowledge.

- Democracy is the fourth issue of this global campaign. The will of citizens to take matters in their own hands, to have a say in the future of our world, is being expressed increasingly and massively in the face of political and financial institutions that make decisions without any real control by the population, and especially in the face of the ideological “brainwashing” that tries to tell us there is no alternative to current neo-liberal policies.

- Finally, the struggle against xenophobia and racism and in favor of social integration and equality for immigrants is also an important issue in this worldwide resistance to neo-liberal globalization.

In this context, social movements, trade unions and NGOs must at the same time:

- construct and develop the widest possible movements around practical goals. As we have already seen with the MAI or the Ministerial Meeting of the WTO in Seattle, and the April 2000 meetings of the World Bank and IMF in Washington, D.C., this is a vital way of modifying the balance of power and of counterattacking the proponents of neo-liberal globalization. These practical campaigns also allow the building and testing of alliances between the various movements, both nationally and internationally;

- debate the alternatives to the neo-liberal model as well as questions that might create divisions between movements;

- make progress in the coordination of movements on an international level.

4. Debate and Develop Alternatives

The discussions that took place in Seattle among trade unions, NGOs and social movements showed that different approaches exist, particularly to social or environmental standards. The best way forward is to build a power base and declare new rights. Various international campaigns were also the subject of debate and discussion, especially the issues of debt (the concept of poorest countries, or how to control the use of the funds released by debt cancellation) or international financial institutions (their reform or abolition).

However, these different approaches have not been - and are not - an obstacle to joint action. The shared refusal of neo-liberal globalization and the general support within the movement for development centered on human beings, a source for inspiration rich in its diversity, mean that the points of convergence between the various movements create a sufficiently solid base. This synergy makes it possible to move beyond any points of divergence on the possible strategies for human development and to create alternative proposals.

5. Solidarity through Action

There are now multiple initiatives, actions, campaigns and movements around the world that bear witness to the fact that another kind of world is possible - now. Many are based on highly practical goals. Let us mention:

DEBT

We appeal to all social movements, North and South, to fight for:

- cancellation of all the debt of developing countries which is illegitimate, immoral and unpayable;

- to phase out the so-called Heavily Indebted Poorest Countries' Initiative (HIPC) which is a parody of debt cancellation;

- to end the IMF/World Bank structural adjustment programs in indebted nations.

We call for a definitive solution to debt crisis, a solution that is fair, transparent and accountable to the people.

We also call for a mass global mobilization in the countdown to the G8 Summit in Okinawa from July 21st to 23rd and for the UN Millennium Summit in New York on September 6th to address itself to canceling debt in this millennium year.

THE INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND (IMF) AND THE WORLD BANK

This Alternative Summit demands radical changes to the IMF and World Bank.

For this reason we are calling for:

1. Total cancellation of multilateral debt (owed to the IMF and the World Bank in particular), with no structural adjustment or other externally imposed conditions, including on how the released funds are spent.

2. An end to structural adjustment programs and all other economic reform programs, designed and imposed from the outside by the IMF and the World Bank, as they are undemocratic and have disastrous social and economic consequences for local populations.

3. Transparency and democratization of the IMF and World Bank, that must be directly accountable to the people still affected by their policies and projects. The future existence, structure and policies of these international institutions must be determined through a democratic, transparent process.

4. Respect, by these international institutions, of human rights as defined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and international law and to have the rights as a framework for their projects and policies; and to at all times respect national obligations to international and regional human rights instruments.

5. Reduction of World Bank powers and accountability for this institution, as proposed by the international World Bank Bonds Campaign.

6. If these institutions continue to work within their framework of global liberalization, the movement for an Alternative World will not hesitate to force the abolition of the IMF and the World Bank.

Therefore, we call for a worldwide week of action, centered around September 26th to coincide with the annual meeting in Prague, Czech Republic, of the IMF & World Bank, as a time to demand radical changes of the World Bank and the IMF and a new structure for the international financial system.

THE WORLD TRADE ORGANIZATION

The world is not a commodity and humanity is not a resource. The time has come to recognize that international trade and its leading institution, the WTO, born out of the Marrakech Agreement, are in a state of crisis. It is time to replace this outdated, iniquitous, oppressive system by a framework for fair and durable trade for the 21st Century.

We continue to oppose any further negotiation rounds and to demand a moratorium on any new negotiations that would increase the power and scope of the WTO, and the exclusion from WTO jurisdiction of such issues as rural agriculture, social services and intellectual property rights. We demand the imposition of controls and taxes on capital.

Access to basic requirements must be guaranteed: sectors such as health, education, culture, housing, the environment, the provision of water and other essential requirements are fundamental rights. These sectors cannot be subjected to the rules of international commerce and must therefore be excluded from the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). In the same way, policies that aim to promote and protect food safety and self-sufficiency and sustainable rural agriculture should never be subjected to multilateral trade laws.

The Dispute Settlement Body operates in secrecy, usurping the legislative and regulatory powers of sovereign states and communities. Therefore, it should cease to exist.

International trade rules should be subjected to international law as defined by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR); the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women; the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ESOCUL); and the various international conventions, covenants and protocols which guarantee first and foremost peoples' fundamental human and sovereign rights.

The Agreement on Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) encourages the creation of monopolies that profit multinational corporations. It denies the right to healthcare and medicines for the majority. It results in knowledge and living matter being privatized, biodiversity being compromised and countries of the global South being prevented from improving their levels of social and economic welfare or developing their technical know-how. TRIPS has no place within the WTO.

We condemn the policies implemented by the WTO, the World Bank, the IMF and the OECD. We denounce the way in which national and regional political powers (including the European Union) bear allegiance to transnational interest groups: the World Economic Forum; the International Chamber of Commerce; the European Roundtable; Services 2000; organizations which believe that they can regulate immigration according to their requirements in cheap labor.

We, the undersigned movements and organizations, commit ourselves to working towards a fair, democratically controlled system of international trade. We will support struggles on every scale, in all countries, through international campaigns of solidarity.

CONTROLLING CAPITAL FLOW AND TAX HAVENS

The Tobin Tax

The Tobin Tax applies to currency exchange transactions only. It is not the sole solution to the many problems and claims raised by financial globalization. It is one widely supported way to control worldwide capital flows.

Due to its simplicity, the way it is structured and its impact, it can achieve a variety of synergistic goals. It is educational and dynamic, allowing citizens to understand why social, economic and political problems are linked to neo-liberal globalization. As a tool to fight financial speculation it allows, if set at a sufficiently high level, the slowing-down of speculation that destabilizes economies and holds back all national projects aiming at construction and progress. Due to the significant revenues it generates, as a tool for international politics it allows a different international structure to be implemented, based on the global redistribution and sharing of wealth.

The Tobin Tax is a practical, feasible proposal. The electronic systems commonly used by banks would allow it to be implemented very easily. It depends above all on political will.

The way in which the revenue from this tax should be distributed is under discussion. One proposal is to create a new democratic international institution, mindful of social and environmental concerns, which would be responsible for managing the resources generated by the tax.

This is part of a wider issue: the struggle against unemployment and exclusion. The deregulation of labor markets goes hand in hand with employment policies that, in the name of the fight against unemployment, aggravate employment insecurity and low pay. It also goes hand in hand with policies that aim to dismantle the social welfare state. The best way to change governments' opinions is through the weight of citizens' action. Initially, this could be organized at the European level. We should therefore prepare to join together in a campaign against unemployment and job insecurity during the European Union Summit in Nice next December. This will also be an opportunity to campaign for social rights and the Tobin Tax.

Tax Havens

It is impossible to consider taxation without considering tax havens, where the assets of financial crime are recycled. They must be dismantled. Tax havens are like a noose around the world's throat. They are joint ventures linking together three partners: multinationals (tax fraud; huge commissions on world markets; oil, arms, transportation, etc.), money-laundering organizations and Nation-States (financing political parties and politicians). It is therefore clear that governments and Nation-States are responsible. However, they have no real desire to dismantle tax havens even if a number of their members are fighting them. The major tax havens are not offshore but in London, Geneva, Liechtenstein, Monaco, etc.

Our objective is to crush these tax havens through targeted information and pressure campaigns, such as a march to one of the tax havens, to a multinational company's headquarters or to several of these targets simultaneously. It has also been suggested that the impact of tax havens on small countries should be studied and economic alternatives financed by the G7 nations once these countries' tax havens have been wiped out.

THE STRUGGLE AGAINST FREE TRADE AGREEMENTS

These agreements are presented as being necessary. They favor multinational corporations and local elites but cannot satisfy the needs of the people; on the contrary, they lead to increased poverty and exclusion. Bilateral, regional and international agreements exclude the social and environmental agenda and ignore the imbalances between countries: all they do is favor cross-border capital flows and local elites, preventing the application of democracy.

On the basis of these negative experiences, we reject the project to create the FTAA (Free Trade Area of America) proposed by the United States government in conjunction with the other governments in the region, and also reject similar agreements in Africa, Asia or elsewhere.

We call for fair, equitable trade agreements that form part of a scheme for durable development, negotiated with the populations concerned and agreed by them, and aimed at peoples' social development.

THE WORLD MARCH OF WOMEN, 2000

With more than 4,500 groups in 155 countries, the World March of Women 2000 is an unprecedented movement of women campaigning against poverty and in favor of sharing wealth. It aims to fight violence against women and sexual inequality. It is part of the body of social movements, trade unions, groups, associations, NGOs, etc. who are fighting the current trend of neo-liberal globalization, suggesting alternatives and weaving a web of solidarity around the planet.

The March believes that globalization today is not just a capitalist and neo-liberal phenomenon but also sexist. The situation imposed on women can only be explained by the combined effect of two global forces: neo-liberal capitalism and a patriarchy? which feed on one another and reinforce each other to maintain the vast majority of women in a state of cultural inferiority and social deprecation, on the fringes of the economy, where their work and very existence is "invisible" and their bodies treated like a commodity. All of this amounts to "gender apartheid".

Unfortunately, Beijing+5 has demonstrated that a lot of ground still needs to be covered before fundamental women's rights are respected. The March seeks to build a world where women and men are equal, where women are freed from all forms of violence and exploitation including domestic violence, rape, prostitution, trafficking of women, sexual harassment and social and State violence. The March wants to fight the structural causes of poverty and violence against women and many of their claims are similar to those of other social movements, but with an additional gender perspective:

- All Nation States should set up a legal framework and strategies for eliminating poverty, in particular female poverty.

- Urgent measures such as those described in this Resolution should be implemented.

- A Council for Economic and Financial Security should be set up to exercise political control over financial markets and to define worldwide rules for a new financial system. It should include representatives of civil society and ensure both male-female and North-South parity.

- Conventions and measures designed to eliminate all violence against women should be applied. Particular attention should be paid to taking into account lesbian claims, because globalization is not only sexist but also particularly uncompromising with homosexuals.

The March demands that the principle of sexual equality be applied immediately in all committees or organizations which the movement for an Alternative World sets up, and that significant space be given within these structures to representatives of Southern Hemisphere countries and minority groups.

The March invites all movements to join them in its coming campaigns:

- October 14th, 2000: Brussels, European demonstration;

- October 15th, 2000: Washington, D.C., demonstration against the World Bank and the IMF;

- October 17th, 2000: New York City, in front of the United Nations building, where an international March delegation will meet Kofi Annan to explain women's claims and inform him of the March's determination to have them met.

6. Coordinating International Action and Campaigns

The impact of the international campaigns and demonstrations in Seattle and Washington, D.C. was largely due to the way they were carried out: a network of flexible, independent groups came together to campaign on mutually agreed and practical issues. This is what allowed very diverse movements to join together in common action.

At the same time, it is important to compare notes and create a forum for debate, to enrich these movements with the cumulative experience of our fight against neo-liberal globalization. To do this, we must build a very flexible international alliance based on the practical campaigns these movements organize.

This has already begun, building on the will to formulate a common agenda, on getting to know each other, on understanding the stakes involved in each other's actions, and on a practical need to share information between regions, campaigns and movements so as to increase their visibility and efficiency.

Setting up coordination on an international level will be a complex process. The approach we use should make our movement both broader and deeper, in a conscious effort to bring together trade unions, workers' organizations, women, rural workers, cultural organizations, etc. The coordinating structure must also be strongly rooted in the social concerns and struggles of the peoples and populations concerned.

There are several ways of moving this process forward: linking thematic and regional campaigns, common days of action, peoples' assemblies, making more efficient use of technology, coordination secretariats, etc.

Among coming events, this December's Dakar 2000 Summit in Senegal and the January 2001 World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, are two important opportunities to pursue this discussion process - with the aim of creating an international network for action.

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